Split ergativity
In linguistic typology, split ergativity is a feature of certain languages where some constructions use ergative syntax and morphology, but other constructions show another pattern, usually nominative–accusative. The conditions in which ergative constructions are used vary among different languages.[1] Nominative–accusative vs. ergative–absolutiveNominative–accusative languages (including European languages, with the notable exception of Basque) treat both the actor in a clause with a transitive verb and the experiencer in a clause with an intransitive verb in the same way grammatically. If the language uses case markers, they take the same case. If it uses word order, it is parallel. For example, consider these two English sentences:
The grammatical role of "Jane" is identical. In both cases, "Jane" is the subject. In ergative–absolutive languages (such as Basque and Georgian, or the Eskaleut and Mayan languages), there is a different pattern. The patient (or target) of a transitive verb and the experiencer of an intransitive verb are treated the same grammatically. If the two sentences above were expressed in an ergative language, "Max" in the former and "Jane" in the latter would be parallel grammatically. Also, a different form (the ergative) would be used for "Jane" in the first sentence. For example, in the following Inuktitut sentences, the subject 'the woman' is in ergative case (arnaup) when occurring with a transitive verb, while the object 'the apple' (aapu) is in absolutive case. In the intransitive sentence, the subject 'the woman' arnaq is in absolutive case.[2]
In split ergative languages, some constructions pattern with nominative–accusative, and others with ergative–absolutive. Split conditionsThe split is usually conditioned by one of the following:
ExamplesHindi–UrduAn example of split ergativity conditioned by the grammatical aspect is found in Hindustani (Hindi-Urdu); in the perfective aspect of transitive verbs (in active voice), the subject takes ergative case and the direct object takes an unmarked absolutive case identical to the nominative case, which is sometimes called direct case. However, in all other aspects (habitual & progressive), subjects appear either in the direct/nominative case or dative case (see dative subjects), while direct objects continue to appear in the direct case (the subject of such sentences is differentiated from the direct object not from a difference in case but from the agreement of the verb with the subject as well as other syntactic and contextual cues such as word order and meaning[citation needed]). In the following perfective sentence, the agent laṛke-ne (boy) is marked for ergative case, while the undergoer kitāb (book) is in unmarked nominative case. The verb kharīdī (bought) has the feminine ending -ī, showing gender agreement with the undergoer kitāb (book). लड़के-ने laṛke-ne boy:MASC.SG.ERG किताब kitāb book:FEM.SG.NOM ख़रीदी xarīdī buy:PRF.FEM.SG है hai. be:3P.SG.PRS 'The boy has bought a book' In the corresponding imperfective (habitual aspect) sentence, the agent laṛkā (boy) is in unmarked nominative case. The habitual participle form kharīdatā (buy) has the masculine ending -ā and thus agrees with the agent laṛkā (boy). लड़का laṛkā boy:MASC.SG.NOM किताब kitāb book:FEM.SG.NOM ख़रीदता xarīdatā buy:HAB.MASC.SG है hai. be:3P.SG.PRS 'The boy buys a book' Perfective constructions with certain VV (verb-verb) complexes do not employ ergative case marking (see: light verbs in Hindi-Urdu). In perfective constructions, the agent argument is ideally assigned with an ergative case; however in cases like the first example shown below that does not happen. This is because the explicator verb gayī (gone) which although undergoes semantic bleaching but still retains its intransitivity which does not allow for an ergative case assignment to the agent argument (i.e., ninā). This is why as shown in the second example below, VV complexes involving a transitive explicator verb (e.g., phẽkā "threw") can employ ergative case to agent arguments.[5] नीना ninā nina:FEM.SG.NOM आम ām mango.MASC.SG.NOM खा khā eat.NF गयी gayī. go:PRF.FEM.SG 'Nina has eaten the mango.' नीना-ने ninā-ne nina:FEM.SG.ERG तकिया takiyā pillow.MASC.SG.NOM उठा uṭhā pick.NF फेंका phẽkā. throw:PRF.MASC.SG 'Nina (picked up and) threw the pillow.' Chol (Mayan)The Mayan language Chol has split-ergative person marking.[6] In transitive clauses, verbs are framed by a person marking prefix (called "set A" in Mayan linguistics) that expresses the subject, and a suffix that expresses the object (= "set B"). Mi IMPF a-mek'-oñ 2SG.A-hug-1SG.B 'You hug me.' In intransitive clauses, the subject can either be represented by a set A-person marker, or a set B-person marker, depending on aspect. In perfective aspect, Chol has ergative–absolutive alignment: the subject of the intransitive verb is expressed by a suffixed person marker, thus in the same way as the object of transitive verbs. Tyi PRF wayi-yoñ sleep-1SG.B 'I slept.' In imperfective aspect, Chol has nominative–accusative alignment: the subject of the intransitive verb is expressed by a prefixed person marker, thus in the same way as the subject of transitive verbs. Mi IMPF a-wayel 2SG.A-sleep 'You sleep.' SahaptinIn Columbia River Sahaptin, the split is determined by the person of both subject and object. The ergative suffix -nɨm occurs only for third-person subjects for which the direct object is in the first or the second person. ku=š and=1SG i-q̓ínu-šan-a 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST ína me wínš-nɨm man-ERG "And the man saw me." ku=nam and=2SG i-q̓ínu-šan-a 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST imaná you.ACC wínš-nɨm man-ERG "And the man saw you." ku and i-q̓ínu-šan-a 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST paanáy him/her/it wínš man "And the man saw him." Another ergative suffix, -in, marks the subject in the inverse. Both subject and object are then always in the third-person. Direct (same as above example): ku and i-q̓ínu-šan-a 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST paanáy him/her/it wínš man-ERG "And the man saw him." Inverse: ku and pá-q̓inu-šan-a INV-see-IPFV-PST paanáy him/her/it wínš-in man "And the man saw him." Notes
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