Racism in Quebec refers to the attitudes, judgments, and discriminatory actions based on race, ethnicity, or nationality that have taken place and continue to manifest in the province of Quebec, Canada. Throughout history, the interactions between English-speaking, French-speaking communities, and Indigenous peoples, as well as the immigration of various ethnic groups, has led to the formation of racial tensions and conflicts at different times. Often, this matter in Quebec has been downplayed as isolated incidents.[1]
The Angus Reid Institute and the University of British Columbia conducted a research series in 2021 to illuminate attitudes toward diversity and racism in Canada. They found that only 9% of Quebecers, compared to 12% of Canadians and 14% of Ontarians, believe that some races are superior to others.[2]
Conservatism in Quebec resembles that of France, focused on the defense of secularism and the French language.[3] There is also a strong opposition to "wokeness," a concept seen as contrary to Quebecois values. The defense of secularism, especially against Islam and a growing anti-immigration discourse highlight the French cultural influence in Quebecois politics.[3]
In Quebec, as elsewhere, racism has gone beyond theories and manifested in tangible situations, such as in the workplace, housing, and in police interventions. During the 19th century and later the 20th century, racism was openly organized into theories and ideologies. Although there are still racist voices within extremist groups and scientistic circles today, most forms of racism are more subtle and often denied. Most people no longer openly admit to being racist.[1]
In the Canadian historical context, the identity of the Métis has been interpreted in various ways in relation to Quebecois identity. At certain times, there was a trend to link the history of the Métis with Quebecois identity, presenting the Métis within the framework of the Quebecois experience.[1]
Louis Riel, a central figure in Métis history, has often been portrayed in contexts that highlight tensions between English-speaking Canada and the Francophone community, rather than focusing exclusively on Métis experience and culture.[1]
The identity retreat of French-speaking Quebecers can be seen as the foundation for a certain ethnocentrism. Aiming to maintain group homogeneity means that newcomers face a binary choice: assimilate or be excluded. For a long time, immigration in Quebec was perceived as a demographic strategy by the dominant Anglo-Saxon group to emphasize the minority status of French speakers.[4] However, it's crucial to recognize that modern Quebec is notable for not allowing racism to penetrate political life to the extent of becoming an ideology crystallized in a political party. Expressions of intolerance and rejection, though not insignificant, remain scattered.[4] Based on the structure proposed by M. Wieviorka, racism in Quebec can be classified as "scattered racism." This can manifest as "infraracism," which is less structured and might arise in the form of prejudices rather than genuine racist attitudes, or it can be more defined and evident in social life or the public space.[4]
While Quebec has had a history of racist groups, these have been less numerous and less organized than in other parts of Canada. They were especially active during the economic recession of 1980–1995, and the influence members of these groups might have within established political formations is concerning.[4]
In 1960, there were shifts in how French-Canadian identity was perceived, and as a result, a more defined Quebecois identity emerged. During this period of redefinition, some identities, including those of English speakers and Indigenous peoples, weren't always prominently addressed in public discussions.[1]
Records of slavery exist in various areas that later became part of Canada, dating back to the 17th century. The majority of Canadian slaves were indigenous,[5] and owned by English Loyalists. Subsequently, English Loyalists brought slaves from the United States. Marie-Joseph Angélique was one of the most known slaves of New France (today's Quebec). While pregnant, she set her mistress's house on fire either for revenge or to distract from her escape. She fled with the father of her child, who was also a black slave owned by another master. The fire she started ended up burning part of Montreal and a large part of Hôtel-Dieu. She was later caught and sentenced to death.[5] The Indian Act of 1876, which set up reservations for indigenous people in the territory of Quebec on the behalf of Mackenzie's English Liberal Party of Canada, has been debated in terms of its colonial implications. This act has been interpreted by some as a way to perpetuate a colonial relationship with the First Nations in Canada.[6] In Quebec, some politically partisan blogs argue that the Canadian state has not adequately recognized its right to self-determination. There have also been mentions that federal immigration policies may have discriminatory elements, though these claims are debated.[6] For a significant number of racialized minorities in Quebec, there exists a real situation of socioeconomic marginalization and tension. For about two decades, community groups have routinely estimated the unemployment rate among visible minorities, doubling the official figures for the general population. Their estimates have proven to be surprisingly accurate.
There is a 15% unemployment rate in certain youth categories;[4] for equivalent categories of minority youth, the rate exceeds 30%.[4] While other factors might influence this figure, the marginalization resulting from this situation is exacerbated by its visibility, creating a significant risk of deviations and giving rise to emerging neo-racist currents.[4] The table below presents a series of significant events and policies related to interethnic relations, racism, and immigration in Quebec and Canada, from the year 1701 to 2009. The events covered include government actions, social crises, and political decisions that have influenced the country's multicultural dynamics.
With the aim of civilizing and Christianizing the Indigenous populations, the English Federal Liberal Party of Canada developed a system of 'industrial schools' in the 19th century that combined academic studies with "more practical matters." Schools for Indigenous peoples began to emerge in the 1840s. From 1879, these schools followed the model of the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania, whose motto was: "Kill the Indian, save the man."[8] English Canadians believed that the most effective weapon to "kill the Indian" in them was to remove children from their villages, hence Indigenous children were taken away from their homes, parents, families, friends, and communities.[9] The Indian Act of 1876 granted the federal government responsibility for Indigenous education, and by 1910, residential schools had become the primary strategy for Indigenous education; the government provided funding to religious groups such as the Catholic, Anglican, United Church, and Presbyterian churches for Indigenous education. By 1920, attendance for Indigenous people became mandatory, and there were 74 residential schools operating across the country, with only 3 French Catholic residential schools on the territory of Quebec across all time. Following the ideas of Sifton and others like him, the academic aims of these schools were "simplified." As Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they didn't want the students to "become too clever":[10] "With this end in view, the curriculum in residential schools has been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school."
Government funding was often insufficient, and schools often operated as "self-sufficient businesses," where 'student workers' were pulled from classes to do laundry, heat the building, or perform agricultural work. Dormitories were frequently poorly heated and crowded, and the food was not adequately nutritious. A 1907 report, commissioned by Indigenous Affairs, found that 15 prairie schools had a mortality rate of 24%.[11] In fact, a Deputy Superintendent of Indigenous Affairs at the time commented: "It is quite within the mark to say that fifty percent of the children who passed through these schools did not benefit from the education which they had received therein." While the mortality rate decreased in later years, death continued to be a part of the residential school tradition. The author of that report to the BNA, Dr. PH Bryce, was later removed and in 1922 published a pamphlet[12] that nearly labeled the government's indifference to the conditions of the Indigenous in schools as "homicide".[11]
Anthropologists Steckley and Cummins note that the endemic abuses—emotional, physical, and sexual—for which the system is now well-known "could easily qualify as the worst thing Europeans did to the natives in Canada."[13] Punishments were often brutal and cruel, sometimes even life-threatening or lethal. Children were sometimes pinned needles in their tongues for speaking in their native languages, made to eat their vomit if they were sick, and had their genitals inspected.[14] The term "Sixties Scoop" (also known as "Canada's Scoops") refers to the Canadian practice, which began in the 1960s and continued until the late 1980s, of taking ("scooping up") children from Indigenous villages in Canada from their families for foster care or adoption.
Most residential schools closed in the 1970s, with the last one closing in 1996. Criminal and civil lawsuits against the government and churches began in the late 1980s and shortly after the last residential school closed. By 2002, the number of lawsuits had exceeded 10,000. In the 1990s, starting with the United Church, the churches that ran the residential schools began to issue formal apologies. In 1998, the Canadian government issued the Statement of Reconciliation,[15] committing CAD $350 million in support of a community-based healing strategy to address the healing needs of individuals, families, and communities arising from the legacy of physical and sexual abuse in residential schools. The money was used to launch the Aboriginal Healing Foundation.[16] In 2007, the government, churches, and the Assembly of First Nations and Inuit organizations reached the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, which acknowledged the physical and sexual abuses suffered by students and established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to document the history and lasting impacts of the schools.
In the 19th and 20th centuries, Quebec was not exempt from the Canadian federal government's policy of assimilation of native populations. This policy actively promoted the Indian residential school system, aiming to integrate the indigenous peoples into the dominant European-Canadian culture.[17]
Christian churches, under the support and sponsorship of the Department of Indigenous Affairs, administered these institutions. In fact, about 150,000 children, equivalent to 30% of the indigenous child population, were forced to attend these schools throughout Canada, with Quebec being a significant location of this system until its last school in 1996.
The vision to "civilize" and "Christianize" indigenous populations led to the initial development of "industrial schools" in the 19th century, combining academic studies with practical skills. These schools were inspired by models such as the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania, which had the telling motto: "Kill the Indian in him and save the man." This approach entailed removing native children from their families and communities, creating a cultural and emotional gap.[17]
In 1876, the Indian Act delegated indigenous education to the federal government. By 1910, residential schools had become predominant in indigenous education policy. Religious organizations, including the Catholic, Anglican, United Church, and Presbyterian churches, received government funding to run these institutions. As the 20th century progressed, these schools became mandatory for native children, with 74 schools operating in Canada, including several in Quebec.[18]
However, the reality of these schools was grim. Conditions were often deplorable, with overcrowded dormitories, poor heating, and inadequate food. Abuses, both physical and emotional, were endemic. The trauma experienced by many children included brutal punishments, such as pinning needles to their tongues for speaking their native language and being subjected to invasive genital inspections.[19]
As the years went by, recognition of the harm inflicted by these schools began to emerge. By the late 1980s, lawsuits against the government and the churches started piling up, culminating in over 10,000 claims by 2002. During the 1990s, the churches began to formally apologize for their role in the residential school system, and in 1998, the Canadian government issued the Statement of Reconciliation.
The province of Quebec, like the rest of Canada, has since worked to address this dark chapter of its history. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2008–2015) was established to document these abuses, and its final report described the residential school system as a "cultural genocide". While the past cannot be changed, current and future actions in Quebec and across Canada aim to recognize, reconcile, and remedy the mistakes made.[20] From the late 19th century until the 1990s, numerous Indigenous children from Quebec were sent to boarding schools run by the Catholic Church. These institutions, part of a wider network in Canada, subjected the youth to dehumanizing conditions. Many endured physical and sexual abuses. It's estimated that a significant number died from malnutrition, diseases, maltreatment, and neglect.[21]
Between 1883 and 1996, 139 boarding schools funded by the Federal Government and run by religious groups operated in the country. These centers witnessed neglect, sexual abuses, racism, and physical violence. It's estimated that over 6,000 children lost their lives in these institutions. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has described the forced assimilation of Indigenous minors in these boarding schools as Canada's "greatest mistake".[22]
The recent discovery of over 1,200 unmarked graves on the grounds of these former institutions has shocked the world, further highlighting the urgency to address and redress these historical facts.[22]
The concept of systemic racism refers to structures and policies that, intentionally or not, create inequalities or discrimination based on race. There are reports and studies suggesting discrimination in various sectors, such as employment, housing, and the judicial system. For instance, the Viens Commission examined the relations between Indigenous people and public services in Quebec, and found evidence of discrimination.[6] In 1988, the Human Rights Commission of Quebec initiated a public inquiry into allegations of discriminatory treatment and racist behaviors by the police towards visible and ethnic minorities. This action was the result of rising tensions between Black communities and police services, marked by interventions, arrests, and tragically, the death of young individuals during police operations.[4]
The final report offered recommendations aimed at addressing situations and practices with discriminatory impacts, and to allow policymakers to adapt to the new reality of a now multi-ethnic society. The primary goal was to create conditions that favored improving relations between law enforcement and a society based on human rights, especially in terms of equality rights, regardless of ethnic origin.[4] Three years after the release of this report, and following a coroner's recommendation after the death of a young Black individual, a task force was established to study the relations between the Black community and the Montreal city police. This committee presented its report in December 1991.[4]
The 1995 referendum in Quebec is noted as a pivotal moment in the evolution of political discourse on racism in the province. Following the narrow rejection of Quebec's independence proposal, the then Prime Minister, Jacques Parizeau, shocked many by attributing the defeat to "money and ethnic votes", a statement that left a deep impression on the immigrant community and the ethnic minorities of Quebec.[23] After Parizeau's comment, Montreal-born singer Allison Russell recalled during a 2022 performance how it was to live in the city after those words. Russell, who is of African Canadian descent, shared traumatic experiences of harassment and discrimination. The young artist, who was 15 years old at the time of the referendum, claimed that the remarks fueled racist acts on the streets and contributed to her decision to move out of Quebec.[23]
Aly Ndiaye, historian and rapper also known as Webster, identifies the referendum's defeat and Parizeau's comment as a turning point in Quebecois nationalism. According to Ndiaye, the Quebecois nationalism of the 1960s and 1970s was geared towards a progressive and inclusive vision, inspired by decolonization movements and global revolutions. However, following the referendum, this nationalism began to become more insular and exclusive.[23] Fo Niemi, director of the Montreal Research-Action Center on Race Relations (CRARR), also noticed an increase in hate calls following the referendum. Niemi, who founded CRARR in 1983, described how the center received numerous hate calls in the days after the vote.[23]
Echoes of the 1995 referendum still resonate in contemporary political discourse in Quebec. In a recent election, statements on immigration made by Coalition Avenir Québec candidate, Jean Boulet, and the party leader, François Legault, revived tensions similar to those experienced in 1995.[23] Evelyn Calugay, executive director of PINAY, a Filipino women's rights group, recalls discriminatory remarks directed at her community and the Chinese community in 1995. According to Calugay, the exclusionary rhetoric persists, and minorities and the marginalized continue to be easy targets for scapegoating in political discourses.[23]
In the province of Quebec, discussions surrounding racism and discrimination were largely missing from formalized discourse. Official government communications, like the 1990 "Immigration and Integration Policy" and the 1998 "Educational and Intercultural Integration Policy", scarcely touched on racism.[7] In these documents, the issue was depicted more as possible individual misconduct rather than a widespread systematic issue. Quebec's Bill 112, also known as the anti-poverty legislation, along with the National Strategy to Combat Poverty and Social Exclusion, recognized 'immigrants' and 'visible minorities' as susceptible populations. Yet, these documents did not delve into the sociological interplay between racism, discrimination, social disparities, and exclusion.[7]
Traditionally, there was hesitancy within Quebec to directly tackle the subject of racism. Institutional reactions to such issues have been inconsistent and sometimes non-committal. For the most part, Quebec's governmental bodies would only respond to racism when it culminated in heightened racial tension or physical altercations.[7] In 2006's summer, a commission was established by the Quebec government to delve into issues of racism and discrimination. Public consultations were initiated based on a document named Towards a government policy to combat racism and discrimination, a regional continuation of Canada's 2005 Action Plan Against Racism.[7] It wasn't until after the proceedings of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, formally known as the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences, that an official governmental policy in this domain came into existence. November 2008 saw the Quebec Liberal government unveil Diversity: An Added Value: Government policy to promote the participation of all in Quebec's development. This policy encompassed a broad spectrum of initiatives, ranging from education, prevention, institutional mobilization, victim support, to countering racist aggressions.[7]
Aiming to execute particular facets of the aforementioned action plan, in September 2009, the Minister of Immigration, Yolande James, presented Bill 16. This legislation resurrected the ongoing debate on 'reasonable accommodation'. Nevertheless, the bill's progression was halted indefinitely.[7] Another prominent challenge pertains to the concept of 'racial profiling', especially in interactions between law enforcement and certain racialized communities. A notable incident occurred in the summer of 2008 in Montréal Nord. A clash between the police and locals led to a young Latino's fatal shooting, subsequently triggering unrest in the area. This led the Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission (cdpdj) to initiate public consultations on racial profiling. The cdpdj stated that they had processed around 60 complaints from throughout Quebec and presented approximately 10 of these cases to the Human Rights Tribunal.[7] Reports from these consultations are anticipated to push the government towards crafting a more refined policy and possibly new legislation to counteract racism.[7]
In 2023, during his trip to Canada, Pope Francis marked a significant phase of his stay in Quebec, where he held key meetings and addressed the relationship between the Catholic Church and the indigenous peoples of the country.[24] At the beginning of his activities in the province, the Pope was received at the Quebec Citadel by the Governor General, Mary Simon. A figure of particular significance, Simon, of Inuk descent, made history in 2021 by becoming the first indigenous leader to be sworn in as Governor General.[24]
After a 15-minute dialogue with Simon, Pope Francis held a meeting of approximately 25 minutes with the Canadian Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau. In their subsequent communication, Trudeau emphasized that the Pope "acknowledged the abuses experienced in residential schools which resulted in cultural destruction, loss of lives, and ongoing trauma suffered by indigenous peoples across this country".[24] At the end of these meetings, the Pope delivered a speech addressed to the political, social, and indigenous authorities of the province.[24]
Francis's visit to Quebec was marked by the Church's desire to apologize to indigenous peoples for the abuses committed in Catholic institutions. In a message, the Pope said: "I ask for forgiveness for the way many members of the Church and religious communities collaborated, including through indifference, in these projects of cultural destruction and forced assimilation".[24] This message resonated strongly in Quebec, where the history of residential schools and the relationship with indigenous peoples have left deep scars. The Pope's words, awaited by many, marked a moment of reflection and hope in the process of reconciliation and healing between the Church and the indigenous communities of Quebec.[24]
During his visit, survivors and descendants of the victims expressed their hope for a stronger condemnation gesture from the leader of the Catholic Church. There were demands for the return of indigenous art objects held in the Vatican and for the opening of boarding school archives.[21] In a ceremony at the national shrine of Sainte-Anne-de-Beaupré, a banner called for the cancellation of the "doctrine of discovery". The next day, in his homily at Notre-Dame cathedral in Quebec, Francisco denounced the idea of cultural superiority and colonialism.[21]
Despite reconciliation efforts, some figures, like Kilikvak Kabloona, president of an indigenous organization, pointed out that the Pope's apology was not comprehensive enough as it did not directly address the "sexual abuses" suffered by the indigenous in Quebec.[21]
Historically, the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada has seen racism evolve, particularly due to the shift of Francophones in Quebec transitioning from being a minority (French Canadians) to becoming the majority (identified as Quebeckers or Québécois). The enduring tension between Francophone and English-speaking Canadians has shaped inter-ethnic relations, often structured in a hierarchical manner, known as the 'vertical mosaic'. The dynamics between these two pivotal groups, sometimes colored by neo-racism, have considerably influenced their stance on immigration and indigenous matters.[7]
In the context of the 1960s Quebec, where ethnic and social divisions demarcated Francophones from English speakers, some French Canadians harbored reservations towards immigrants. These immigrants, aiming for upward social mobility, predominantly assimilated into the English-speaking community.[7] During this era, English speakers predominated in Montreal's economic spheres, occupied prime residential locations, and held a notable presence across Canada. They also established comprehensive systems to assimilate immigrants into their community.[7] French Canadians, viewing themselves as an oppressed 'minority', saw immigration as a looming threat inadequately managed by the Quebec government. Hence, Quebec sought to play an active role in selecting and integrating immigrants into the Francophone majority, envisioning immigration as a tool to offset the demographic and linguistic dwindling of Francophones in North America.[7]
Subsequently, the shift of Francophones to a 'majority' status steered a prevailing civic and intercultural narrative about the assimilation of immigrants into the majority community.[7] With the ascendancy of the Parti Québécois in 1976, the normative rhetoric began to move away from its formerly combative and anti-colonial tones. By the late 1980s, marked by the advent of neoliberalism, discourses critically analyzing oppressive power dynamics virtually vanished. The emphasis pivoted from highlighting the 'oppressive relations' endured by minority factions (including historically marginalized Francophone French-Canadians) to assimilating these minorities into the newfound Francophone majority. The narrative of minority emancipation transformed into one of majority national affirmation.[7] Between the 1980s and 2006,[7] racism, as a subject, became notably absent from Quebec's normative dialogues, only making sporadic appearances in official policies. For an extended period, conceding the presence of racism through public stances was tantamount to admitting the failure of Quebec's assimilation model. Yet, the "reasonable accommodation" discourse (2006–8) underscored the negative impacts of Quebec-Canada dynamics on ethnic minorities' treatment.[7]
This "reasonable accommodation" discourse, persisting over two years in Quebec's media, highlighted the repercussions of the power dynamics between Quebec and Canada on the treatment of ethnic minorities. The debate unearthed prevalent perceptions among Montreal's inhabitants and those in other Quebec regions, exposing certain gaps in their understanding of immigration realities, as well as initiatives geared towards integration and human rights.[7]
Historian Jean Baubérot described a shift in the perception of secularism, moving from being a progressive idea to an extreme right-wing policy. Nationalism in Quebec, which once had leftist roots, is now perceived as more right-leaning and associated with racism.[3] This shift has been particularly noted since the project of the Charte des valeurs québécoises, moving towards a more identity-based and chauvinistic view.[3]
A large part of the population believes that Quebec's nationalism and separatism are ethnic and it's often perceived that the sentiments of Quebec nationalists are insular and parochial, concerned about preserving a "pure wool" population of white Francophones within the province. Even though these accusations have been denounced by certain Quebec nationalists who see both the separatist and nationalist movement as multi-ethnic, there is substantial evidence that both movements are based on ethnicity, more than territory. An example of this is when the Prime Minister of Quebec, Jacques Parizeau, speaking about the failure of the 1995 Quebec referendum, said: "It's true, we were defeated, but why? Because of money and ethnic votes, essentially".[25]
Another example of this issue was the implementation of Quebec's Bill 21, which stirred controversy after it banned individuals from wearing religious attire in certain professions. This law significantly impacted the Muslim community in the province, with many citing it as proof of the ethnic origins of the movement, labeling it as Islamophobic and discriminatory.[26] Further controversy erupted when most nationalist parties asserted the law wasn't Islamophobic but was instead secular.
The motto of the province of Quebec, "I remember" (Je me souviens in French), is inscribed on all vehicle license plates circulating in that region of Canada. Despite its omnipresence, the exact meaning of the motto is a matter of debate. However, experts agree that it represents the importance that Québécois society places on collective memory, its history, and its traditions.[27]
One of Quebec's most deeply rooted traditions, especially in its metropolis, Montreal, is the welcoming of immigrants, who have played a fundamental role in shaping its identity. Therefore, the electoral victory in 20XX of the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ, translated as "Coalition Future of Quebec"), which based part of its campaign on immigration, was particularly alarming. This political formation significantly increased its parliamentary representation, going from 21 seats to 74, ensuring an absolute majority. It is the first time since 1970 that neither the liberals nor the separatists have taken control of the provincial government.[27]
The concern lies not so much in the specific proposals of the CAQ, which some European xenophobic parties might consider moderate, but in the introduction of a previously marginal debate. François Legault, leader of the CAQ, argued that "Quebec has exceeded its integration capacity," proposing a reduction in the number of admitted immigrants and stricter controls in various migration categories. The most controversial proposal is the implementation of a French and culture exam after three years of residence in the province, with the risk of expulsion if not passed.[27]
This position has been strongly criticized by Quebec's business sector, which argues the need for foreign workers to support the province's economy. With an unemployment rate of 5.3%, close to full employment, and an economic growth of 3%, the Montreal Chamber of Commerce has pointed out the existence of 100,000 vacant job positions due to the lack of qualified candidates. Legault's proposals could, consequently, have a negative impact on the Quebec economy.[27]
The political situation in Quebec seems to reflect a global trend where leaders like Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, and Donald Trump have popularized xenophobic discourses in regions where they previously lacked influence. It is a reminder that Quebec, a land traditionally welcoming to immigrants, faces new challenges in the contemporary political landscape.[27]
As Canada seeks to strengthen its commitment to immigration, the federal government plans to welcome a record number of new immigrants, adding 1.45 million to its 39 million population by 2023. While immigration has caused divisions and the rise of political extremism in other Western countries, there is a widespread consensus in Canada about its value. However, Quebec has been a notable exception, with politicians exacerbating anti-immigrant sentiments, capitalizing on Franco-Quebecer voters' fears about the loss of their cultural identity.[28]
In Quebec, the issue of discrimination against indigenous communities has been the subject of intense analysis. Data from the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics reveal that, although Indigenous peoples represent approximately 3% of the general population, they make up 19% of federal inmates. Moreover, between 1997 and 2000, the likelihood of an Indigenous person being charged with homicide was ten times higher compared to non-Indigenous individuals. Despite these alarming figures, they represent only a fraction of the broader problem.[29]