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Peronism

Not to be confused with Personism or Pyrrhonism.
Argentine president Juan Perón and first lady Eva Perón have been the central figures in the Justicialist Party.
(Clockwise from the top left) Symbols associated with Peronism: Peronist Party emblem, the federal star, the "Perón vuelve" (Perón returns) sign, and the "V" hand sign.
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Peronism,[a] also known as justicialism,[b] is an Argentine ideology and political movement with a left-wing tendency, based on the ideas, doctrine, and legacy of Juan Perón (1895–1974).[2][3] It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics.[3] Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run.[4] Peronism is defined through its three flags: "social justice" (the fight against social and economic inequalities), "economic independence" (an economy that does not depend on other countries, by developing its national industry), and "political sovereignty" (the non-interference of foreign powers in domestic affairs).

Peronism, as an ideology, is described as a social form of nationalism,[5] as it promotes a sense of national pride among Argentines.[3] However, it promotes an inclusive form of nationalism that embraces all ethnicities and races as integral parts of the nation, distinguishing it from racial or chauvinistic ethno-nationalism that prioritizes a single ethnic group.[6] This is due to the ethnically heterogeneous background of Argentina, which is a result of the mixing between indigenous peoples, Criollos, various immigrant groups, and their descendants.[7] Likewise, Peronism is generally considered populist, as it relies on the figure of a leader (originally embodied by Perón) to lead the masses.[3] Consequently, it adopts a third position in the context of the Cold War, as expressed in the phrase: "we are neither Yankees nor Marxists."

Peronism has taken both progressive and conservative measures. Among its conservative elements are anti-communist sentiments[8] (later abandoned),[9] a strong sense of patriotism, a militarist approach and the adoption of a law on Catholic teaching in public schools;[10] its progressive measures include the expansion of workers' rights, the adoption of women's suffrage,[11] free tuition for public universities, and a failed attempt to sanction the divorce law after the breakdown of relations with the church.[12][10] Peronism granted the working class a genuine role in government and enacted reforms that eroded the power of the Argentine oligarchy.[13] Peronist reforms also included a constitutional right to housing,[14] ending the oppression of indigenous peoples,[15] adding mandatory trade union representation to regional legislatures,[16] freezing retail prices, and subsidizing foodstuffs for workers.[17]

Perón followed what he called a "national form of socialism",[18] which represented the interests of different sectors of Argentine society, and grouped them into multiple organizations: workers were represented by the CGT, Peronist businessmen in the General Economic Confederation, landowners by the Argentine Agrarian Federation, women by the Female Peronist Party, Jews in the Argentine Israelite Organization, students in the Secondary Student Union.[19] Perón was able to coordinate and centralize the working class, which he mobilized to act on his behest. Trade unions have been incorporated into Peronism's structure and remain a key part of the movement today.[20] Additionally, the state intervened in labor-capital conflicts in favor of labor,[21] with the Ministry of Labour and Social Security responsible for directly negotiating and enforcing agreements.[22][23]

Perón became Argentina's labour secretary after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946.[3][24] He introduced social programs that benefited the working class,[25] supported labor unions, and called for increased state involvement in the economy.[3] In addition, he supported industrialists to facilitate harmony between labor and capital.[4] Perón was very popular due to his leadership and gained even more admiration through his wife, Eva, who championed the rights of migrant workers, the poor, and women, playing a crucial role in securing women's suffrage, until her death from cancer in 1952.[26] Due to economic problems and political repression, the military overthrew Perón[27] and banned the Justicialist Party in 1955.[27] It was not until 1973 that open elections were held again, in which Perón was re-elected president with 62% of the vote.[3] Perón died in the following year, opening the way for his widow and vice president, Isabel, to succeed him in the presidency.[3] During the Peronists' second period in office from 1973 to 1976, various social provisions were improved.[28]

Perón's death left an intense power vacuum, and the military promptly overthrew Isabel in 1976.[3] Since the return to democracy in 1983, Peronist candidates have won several general elections. The candidate for Peronism, Carlos Menem, was elected in 1989 and served for two consecutive terms until 1999. Menem abandoned the traditional Peronist policies, focusing on the adoption of free-market policies,[3] the privatization of state enterprises,[4] and pro-US foreign policy.[4] In 1999, Fernando De La Rúa would win the presidential elections allied with a large sector of Peronists who denounced Menem. After the De La Rúa administration collapsed in 2001, four interim Peronist leaders took over between 2001 and 2003 due to the political turmoil of the Argentine Great Depression. After coming to power in the 2003 Argentine general election, Néstor Kirchner restructured the Justicialist platform and returned to the classical left-wing populism of Perón, reverting the movement's detour to free-market capitalism under Carlos Menem.[29] Kirchner served for only one term, while his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, served two (having been elected in 2007 and re-elected in 2011). From 2019 to 2023, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was vice president, and Alberto Fernández was president.[3] As of 2025, Peronists have held the presidency in Argentina for a total of 39 years.

Overview

President Juan Perón giving a speech
Eva Perón claims the female vote in 1947

Classification

Peronism is generally considered to be a variant of left-wing populism[30] or a broadly left-wing ideology;[31] however, political scientists such as Anthony W. Pereira also note that left-wing populists such as Perón "may share important elements with their right-wing counterparts."[32] Carlos de la Torre and Oscar Mazzoleni also stressed this ambiguity, arguing that the main difference between left-wing and right-wing populisms is the economic focus of the former and social focus of the latter.[33] Political scientist Pierre Ostiguy argues that it is "structural and intuitive" to classify Peronism as left-leaning, especially given its electoral base and dependency on trade unions. He added that "Perón could absolutely not, as the ordinary working class well understood, be considered on the right. He thus shared a position with the leftist political parties, in the opposite camp."[34] Pierre Ostiguy defined it as "a brand of populism that sought to deny elites’ and capitalism's power, empower working class constituents, and help the politically and economically oppressed."[35]

However, some described Peronism as a Latin American form of fascism instead.[36][37][38] Criticizing identifying Peronism as right-wing or fascism, Robert D. Crassweller remarked: "a movement whose founder spends his life combating the economic and social elite, whose great contribution was to bring the anonymous masses into the political and economic mainstream, and whose lifelong electoral base was principally organized labor, can hardly be deemed rightist."[39] Beyond Perón, the Peronist movement itself has many factions - Kirchnerism[40] and revolutionary Peronism[41] on the left, and Federal Peronism[42] and Orthodox Peronism[43] on the right. The Justicialist Party created by Perón is generally placed on the left of the political spectrum.[44]

Peronism is described as socialist by many political scientists,[45] classified as a variant of nationalist socialism,[46] paternalistic socialism,[47] non-Marxist socialism,[48] and Catholic socialism.[49] Political scientists supporting this view note that Perón created a planned and heavily regulated economy, with "a massive public sector of nationalized industries and social services" that was "redistributive in nature" and prioritized workers' benefits and the empowerment of trade unions.[50] Perón's close relationship with a socialist leader Juan José Arévalo and his extensive support for the Bolivian National Revolution are also considered arguments in favor of this view.[51] Additionally, despite promoting a concept of a "Third Way" between the 'imperialisms' of the United States and Soviet Union, Perón supported and became a close ally of the Cuban Revolution, Salvador Allende of Chile, and the People's Republic of China.[52] It is also noted that the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara, despite being born in an anti-Peronist family, considered Peronism "a kind of indigenous Latin American socialism with which the Cuban Revolution could side".[53] Perónist thought is considered a genuine socialist ideology by some Marxist writers such as Samir Amin,[54] José María Aricó,[55] Dieter Boris,[56] and Donald C. Hodges.[57]

Summarizing the historical and political debates on the ideological nature of Peronism, Czech political scientists Pavlína Springerová and Jiří Chalupa stressed the dominance of the view that Peronism was some kind of socialism, and wrote: "Historians and political scientists over time defined Peronism as Christian socialism, national socialism, demagogic dictatorship, plebiscitary presidential system, state socialism, non-Marxist collectivism, worker democracy or national capitalism".[58] Some historians also consider Peronism to be a variant of Nasserism, which defines it as an ideology based on "middle-class military men who would utilize the armed forces to forge a socialist transformation of society."[59] Mariano Mestman wrote that "Peronism was proposing a type of Socialism at times called ‘national’, different from that postulated by the classical Marxist left but no less revolutionary".[60]

There are also alternative evaluations of Peronism that go beyond the most common labels for Peronism such as socialism, fascism, or arguments that Peronism transcends the left-right divide.[61] Some scholars evaluated Peronism as a social democratic ideology instead,[62] or even paternalistic conservatism,[63] with a mixture of militant labourism and traditional conservatism.[64] However, whether Peronism was conservative is heavily disputed, as the proponents of Peronism see it as socially progressive.[65] Peronism has also been described as socially progressive by some political analysts,[66] as well as by historians such as Luis Alberto Romero.[67] The main Peronist party is the Justicialist Party,[4] whose policies have significantly varied over time and across government administrations,[4] but have generally been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism",[4] or populism.[3][68] Alan Knight argues that Peronism is similar to Bolivarian Revolution and the Mexican Revolution in terms of consequences and ideology, noting that while Peronism was "socially progressive, but politically ambiguous", it brought the Argentinian working class significant material benefits as well as political empowerment and social inclusion. Ultimately, Knight recommends the term "revolutionary populism" for Peronism.[69]

Self-description

Perón himself described his ideology and his movement as left-wing, writing in September 1973: "Peronism is a left-wing movement. But the left that we advocate is a Justicialist left above all things; it is not a communist or anarchist left. It is a Justicialist left that wants to achieve a community where each Argentine can flourish."[70] Perón named Christian socialism, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harold Laski his main political inspirations.[71] He argued that his main goal was to implement and declare "economic independence" of Argentina, which he sought to achieve by nationalization of Argentinian resources, state control of the economy, curtailing multinational and foreign companies, redistribution of wealth, asserting the "power of the working class", and abolishing capitalism that the Peronists denounced as elitist and "antinational". By 1973, the slogan adopted by Perón became "dependency or liberation".[72] In July 1971, Perón also claimed that his ideology of justicialism is socialist:

For us Justicialist Government is that which serves the people . . . our revolutionary process articulates individual and collective [needs], it is one form of socialism. Therefore a fair socialism, like the one Justicialism wants, and that is why it is called Justicialism, is that in which a community develops in agreement with [the community's] intrinsic conditions.[73]

However, despite Perón's declarations, the movement itself was split into left-wing and right-wing factions, vying for supremacy within the movement.[74] While all Peronists claimed to adhere to the ideas of Perón, their interpretation of Perón's intentions varied greatly. Left-wing Peronists believed that the goal of Perón was to establish "the socialist nation", while right-wing Peronists argued that Perón's vision is more similar to corporatism rather than socialism, and that Perón's vision is one of establishing an "organized community".[75] Perón himself used very vague terms such as socialismo nacional ("national socialism"), which he described as being based on Christian social values and aiming to overthrow the "imperialist slavery" of Argentina.[76] Here, Perón argued that his version of socialism was not Marxist but Christian, and that it was a "national variant of socialism", and that it differed from capitalism on the basis of being a "just social order".[77] While seemingly favoring the left-wing Peronism, Perón's "national socialism" was interpreted in very diverse ways, including being conflated with Nazism by fringe groups of far-right Peronists. The commonly accepted interpretation however, is that Perón meant "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions."[78]

Perón consistently identified with socialist figures - he praised Che Guevara, and spoke sympathetically of Mao Zedong as “this little Chinese man who steals my ideas.” He described Peronism as a national form of socialism that was to end the capitalist exploitation of Argentina and fight imperialism. Perón expressed deep affinity to Maoism, writing: "The refusal of Mao to side with colonialism lays the foundation of the ‘Third World’ in which the different socialist democracies can get along perfectly. There is no reason for nationalism and socialism to quarrel. Both can unite with the common objective of liberating the pueblos."[79] Perón additionally stated that "Marxism is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it."; he excused his initially anti-communist rhetoric as opposition to the Argentine "communist orthodoxy" that opposed him, which he considered to be "on the side of the oligarchy or Braden's arm".[9]

Development

Peronism gained popularity in Argentina after the failure of the preceding government to listen and recognize the needs of its middle class. The previous president Hipólito Yrigoyen neglected the workers' pleas for better wages and working conditions after World War I. Yrigoyen was notorious for failing to oppose Argentina's oligarchy. According to Teresa Meade in A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present, Yrigoyen failed "to establish a middle-class-based political system from 1916 to 1930 – mainly because his Radical Civic Union had neither the will nor the means to effectively oppose the dominance of the oligarchy".[80]

While previous governments maintained the power structure, Perón, originally a military officer, used his experiences in Europe and political charisma to advocate for a new political order to better the lives of ordinary Argentines.[81] Unlike Yrigoyen, Perón "recognized that the industrial working class was not necessarily an impediment, and could be mobilized to serve as the basis for building a corporatist state that joined the interests of labor with those of at least a large section of the national bourgeoisie to promote a nationalist agenda".[80]

Perón was yet unknown to the general public in the 1930s, but he was highly respected in the Argentinian army; he served as a military attaché between 1938 and 1940, and quickly gained a prestigious political position following the 1943 Argentine coup d'état. He took over the Labor Department in October 1943 and started cementing his reputation as the ally of the Argentinian trade unions, describing himself as a "labor unionist" (sindicalista) in an interview with a Chilean journalist. In November 1943, the national labour department was replaced by a new department for labour and welfare, which gave Perón enormous power over the economy. Perón presented himself as a Catholic labourist committed to the ideals of "harmony" and "distributive justice". His first political triumph came with the settlement with Unión Ferroviaria in December 1943, Argentina's largest railroad union. Perón "offered the union almost everything it had been seeking, until now in vain, during the past fifteen years", which gave him the reputation of "Argentina's Number One Worker" amongst railroad unionists.[82]

In January 1944, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez fell from power following the revelation of secret negotiations between Nazi Germany and Argentinian junta. The junta was forced to break diplomatic relations with the Axis and purge its cabinet of pro-Axis members. Ramírez was replaced by moderate Edelmiro Julián Farrell, which prompted protests from nationalist circles - in Tucumán, flags on government buildings flew at half-mast in sign of protest. Perón further expanded his power, as he took over the ministry of war that Farrell commanded before becoming president. In March 1944, railroad workers organized a demonstration in support of Perón, and in June, he was able to take control over metalworkers' union Unión Obrera Metalúrgica. Perón's speech from 11 June introduced the concept of "nation in arms", where he called war an inevitable consequence of human condition. According to Perón, a nation could win a war only if it would "develop true . . . solidarity [and] create a strong sense of discipline and personal responsibility in the people." The speech was commonly cited by domestic and international opponents of Perón, who accused him of fascist sympathies. The junta suffered a massive decline in prestige in August 1944, as the liberation of Paris sparked massive pro-Allied demonstrations in Argentina, in which the protesters called for the resignation of the junta for its Nazi sympathies.[83]

Perón would sharply reconfigure his views and speeches in late 1944, as the nationalist junta was facing intense pressure to reform and hold elections. He declared that his ultimate goal is to introduce "true democracy" in Argentina, and began searching for allies amongst the middle and upper classes. However, as he was rejected by the Radical circles, Perón committed himself to developing his popularity amongst the working class. Historian David Rock remarked that "Perón again found himself forced back on the support of the unions alone and at this point openly embraced democratic socialism."[84] He praised the victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 United Kingdom general election, portraying it as proof of "humanity marching toward a new world" and urged Argentinian workers "to defend their rights for themselves if these rights were not to be taken away by their enemies." Perón also embraced the hitherto derogatory connotation of his supporters as "shirtless" (descamisado), which became a metaphor for poor and destitute worker that Peronism would lead towards a "national liberation".[85]

Using the term justicalismo to describe his ideology, Perón propagated it as socialismo nacional cristiano - "Christian national socialism", an unclear term that he used to discuss diverse government systems that in his belief corresponded to the will of the people while also considering the unique circumstances and culture of each nation.[86] According to Richard Gillespie, this expression meant to convey "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions."[78] In 1967, Perón defended his notion of 'national socialism' by arguing that "nationalism need not be at odds with socialism", given that "both, in the end, far from being antagonistic, can be united with a common goal of liberation of peoples and men". In the September 1972 meeting of left-wing Peronist groups, Peronism was described as "the national expression of socialism, insofar as it represents, expresses and develops in action the aspirations of the popular masses and the Argentine working class". Peronism was regarded as a form of autochthonous socialism that was to grant "political and economic emancipation" to the workers of Argentina.[87] However, whether Peronism constituted a genuine socialist movement of non-Marxist nature is unclear. John J. Johnson and Kalman H. Silvert linked Peronism to Argentinian reactionary nationalism and concluded that it is a fascist movement, whereas Juan José Hernández Arregui and Jorge Abelardo Ramos considered Peronism a variant of left-wing nationalism or a "revolutionary, anti-imperialist, nationalist movement".[88] Jorge Castañeda Gutman describes Peronism as a national populist movement that "undoubtedly belongs on the left of the political spectrum."[89]

Other assessments

Peronism was a broad movement that encompassed several ideologies and concepts. Argentinian historian Cristian Buchrucker described it as a mixture of nationalist, populist and Christian socialist elements, while Humberto Cucchetti stated that Peronism was an accumulation of many political concepts such as "nationalist socialism, trade unionist tradition, nationalisation of the middle strata, charismatic leadership, revolutionary prophetism, Third Worldism, justicialist ethics, Christian utopia, popular mobilisation and outlines of democratisation".[90] While the movement was in the state of constant struggle between competing ideological movements between it, it never abandoned trade unions and its "revolutionary rhetoric that claimed to assume directly the features of a nationalist liberation movement".[91]

The Economist has called Peronism "an alliance between trade unions and the "caudillos" of the backward north".[92]

Chilean senator Ignacio Walker has criticized Peronism as having "Fascistoid", "authoritarian" and "corporative" traits and a "perverse logic" considering this "the real wall between Chile and Argentina" and "not the Andes".[93]

Defenders of Peronism also describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata. Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its socially progressive initiatives.[65]

Ronaldo Munck noted that "many observers even saw Perón himself as some kind of nationalist, socialist leader, if not as Argentina's Lenin." While cautioning against idealistic interpretations of Peronism, Munck argues that ultimately Perón did not differ from Tendencia Revolucionaria in terms of economic ideology, but rather mass mobilisation, writing: "The purely anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic political programme of the Montoneros ("national socialism") was not incompatible with Peron's economic project of "national reconstruction", but their power of mass mobilisation was." Writing on Peronism, Ernesto Laclau maintained that "a socialist populism is not the most backward form of working class ideology but the most advanced - the moment when the working class has succeeded in condensing the ensemble of democratic ideology in a determinate social formation within its own ideology".[94]

In his political science book Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Seymour Martin Lipset argued that the most distinguishable aspect of Peronism is that it is oriented towards trade unions, workers and class struggle, writing that "Peronism, much like Marxist parties, has been oriented toward the poorer classes, primarily urban workers but also the more impoverished rural population." He characterized Peronism as an ideology best described as "anticapitalist populist nationalism which appeals to the lower strata". Lipset also took note of a view that Peronism is a fascist movement, but argued that Peronism can only be seen as a left-wing equivalent of fascism: "If Peronism is considered a variant of fascism, then it is a fascism of the left because it is based on the social strata who would otherwise turn to socialism or Communism as an outlet for their frustrations."[95] Lipset concluded that Peronism should be seen as a "form of "left" extremism".[96]

In context of political dichotomy of Argentina, historian Daniel James argues that "Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary".[97] Similarly, James P. Brennan claims that as a movement, Peronism is ultimately a left-wing coalition that appeals to "national popular" tradition, writing that "this hemisphere of the political spectrum would support the statement that Peronism is a forerunner of social democracy."[98] According to political scientist Torcuato di Tella, Peronism occupies the same place as left-wing political parties in Europe. Comparing Argentinian politics to Italian one, he writes:

This comparison between the Italian and the Argentine party structures assumes a certain equivalence between the Radical party and the Christian Democratic cum Socialist alliance. On the other side of the main conflict line, the Peronists would occupy a position akin to that of the Communists.[99]

Socialist assessments

Already since coming to power, Peronism sparked numerous discussions on whether the movement should be supported by socialists and communists or not. While the Argentine communists initially opposed Perón, in June 1945 the Brazilian Communist Party would "affirm in the name of Prestes that the Communists in Argentina have made a serious mistake in aligning themselves against Farrell and Perón".[100] In March 1946, Argentine communists changed their stance towards Perón to critical support.[101] The 11th Party Congress and 6th National Assembly of the Argentine Communist Party, both held in late 1946, voted "to recognize the positive aspects of the government's management" and to praise economic policies of Perón. The party also declared that any coup attempts against Perón must be opposed, as they "would only benefit the country's reactionary sectors and the imperialist monopolies."[102]

In 1947, the leader of the Brazilian Communist Party, Luiz Carlos Prestes, declared that "we [Brazilian communists], and myself in particular, know what President Perón's political orientation is: eminently democratic". Similar sentiment was expressed by Pablo Neruda, a senator of the Chilean Communist Party, who remarked: "There is no fascism in Argentina. Perón is a caudillo but he is not a fascist boss."[100] In 1955, Argentine communists called for popular mobilization in support of the Peronist regime, warning that the anti-Peronist coup is led by "reactionary elements in the service of Yankee imperialism and the oligarchy".[102]

In his autobiography titled My Life: A Spoken Autobiography, Fidel Castro praised Perón as a revolutionary anti-imperialist who carried out social reforms. Castro also stated:

There have been many heroic revolutionary feats on the part of military men in the twentieth century. Juan Domingo Perón, in Argentina, was also from a military background. (...) Perón made some mistakes: he offended the Argentine oligarchy, humiliated it - he nationalized its theatre and other symbols of the wealthy class - but the oligarchy's political and economic power remained intact, and at the right moment it brought Peron down, with the complicity and aid of the United States. Perón's greatness lay in the fact that he appealed to that rich country's reserves and resources and did all he could to improve the living conditions of the workers. That social class, which was always grateful and loyal to him, made Perón an idol, to the end of his life.[103]

When Perón died in 1974, Castro declared three days of mourning and Cuban officials termed Peron's death "a blow to all Latin America". Castro noted the affinity and similarities between his ideology and Peronism, and cited Che Guevara letter's in which Che stated that "Peron was the most advanced embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina".[104] Loris Zanatta argues that both Castro and Perón represented "a case of ‘nationalist socialism’". According to Zanatto, Castro was "a full member of the same family" as Perón, and that "from Hugo Chávez to the Sandinista revolution, from liberation theology to radical indigenism, the chromosomes of Peronist national socialism recur in the Latin American populist tradition."[105]

Perón was an important inspiration of Chavismo, the ideology of Hugo Chávez, who called himself "a true Peronist".[106] Eric Hershberg, director of the Center of Latin American Studies, wrote: "For a number of years I've been struck by Chavismo as being the closest thing to Peronism that Latin America has seen in decades."[107] Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro, also stressed the ideological bond between Peronism and Chavismo. In July 2024, Maduro stated: "I am a Peronist and an Evista."[108] In 2025, Maduro chanted "Attention, attention, Maduro is also a soldier of Perón." (Spanish: Atención, atención, Maduro también es soldado de Perón).[109]

Perón was also regarded positively by Mao Zedong. When visiting pro-Perón Maoist militias in Argentina, Mao reportedly stated: "If I were a young Argentinian, I would be a Peronist."[110] This quote was promoted by the Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina, who advertized their movement by stating: "If Mao had been Argentine, he would have been a Peronist."[111] Perón responded in kind, writing that "Marxism is not only not in contradiction with the Peronist Movement, but complements it." Perón also argued in his speech from 12 November 1972: "We must not be frightened by the word socialism". Perón stated that "if he had been Chinese he would be a Maoist", and on his trip to Communist Romania he concluded that "the regime in that country is similar, in many respects, to Justicialism".[112] Historian Camilo Aguirre Torrini wrote on the relatioship between Maoism and Peronism:

Perón initiated an epistolary relationship with Mao a few years earlier [than 1973] and both shared basic agreements on the new global order and the leading role of developing countries. [...] The degree of agreement between the two leaders was such that the [Peronist] Third Position was seen as a precursor to Mao's Three Worlds Theory, which led Perón to state: "That mischievous little Chinese is stealing my ideas." Meanwhile, the Chinese leader would do the same in 1969 before a delegation of young Argentine communists who, after vehemently expressing their Maoist beliefs, were challenged by the Great Helmsman [Mao] with the question: "Why aren't you Peronists?"[113]

Peronism was supported by Joseph Stalin due to its hostility towards the United States,[114] and after Perón's removal from power, the Soviet government had "a certain nostalgia for the Peronist government".[115] American historian Garrett John Roberts, who described Peronism as an "ultranationalist socialist labor movement" and Perón's policies as "socialist and nationalist", states that there was some affinity between Perón and Stalin, as Perón modeled his Five Year Plan on the economic plans carried out by Stalin.[116] Socialist Yugoslavia was also said to have expressed interest and fascination with Peronism in the 1950s.[117]

There was a mutual admiration between Peronist Argentina and North Korea. Camilo Aguirre Torrini wrote that Peronism was close "not only to the Maoist doctrine of the three worlds, but also to the precepts of Kim Il Sung, who, like Perón, advocated a socialism with indigenous roots." Peronist newspapers referred to Kim Il Sung as 'the great leader' and considered Juche very similar to justicialism; one Peronist newspaper referred to North Korea as "the Justicialist Democratic Republic".[118] In September 1973, in a speech to the Peru-Korea Institute of Culture and Friendship, Kim Il Sung praised Perón:

Today the peoples of the third world are raising their powerful voice for independence. Some time ago, General Perón of Argentina said that his country was making a revolution in the Argentine way which is different from the capitalist way and the socialist way of a certain country [post-Stalin USSR]. This means, in effect, that he is carrying out the revolution in an independent way. It is very important to adhere to independence in the revolutionary struggle. I consider that his slogan is excellent.[119]

Ideology

Twenty Peronist Tenets

From Perón's "Peronist Philosophy":[120]

  1. "A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's."
  2. "Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist."
  3. "A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only."
  4. "For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work."
  5. "Working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least."
  6. "For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist." (In 1973, after coming back from exile, in a conciliatory attempt, and in order to lessen the division in society, Peron reformed this tenet to: "For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.")
  7. "No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch."
  8. "When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: Argentina first; the movement second; and thirdly, the individuals."
  9. "Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation."
  10. "The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social help. With them, we can give a hug of justice and love to the people."
  11. "Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, not martyrs."
  12. "Kids should be the only privileged class."
  13. "A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism."
  14. "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
  15. "As political doctrine, Justicialism balances the right of the individual and society."
  16. "As an economic doctrine, Justicialism proposes a social market, putting capital to the service of the economy and the well-being of the people."
  17. "As a social doctrine, Justicialism carries out social justice, which gives each person their rights in accordance to their social function."
  18. "Peronism wants an Argentina socially 'fair', economically 'free' and politically 'sovereign'."
  19. "We establish a centralized government, an organized State and a free people."
  20. "In this land, the best thing we have is our people."

Peronism as an ideology had many factions and manifestations, often completely contradictory for each other; however, the political thought and policies of Juan Perón are considered to be the core of Peronism. As an ideology, Peronism had authoritarian and populist components, which was a blend of several ideologies and currents and a traditional Argentinian style of leadership (caudillismo), which featured a charismatic leader leading a broad front. Christopher Wylde defines Peronism as "a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military."[121] The legitimacy of Peronism derived from trade unions who gave Perón their support, and his ideology was a reflection of demands and expectations of the Argentinian labor movement. According to historian Daniel James, the reliance of Peronism on trade unions was so strong, that in the Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with the trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his."[122]

Peronist economic policy had three objectives which consisted of expanding public spending and giving the state the dominating role in production and distribution (economic nationalism), egalitarian distribution of national income (therefore Peronism is considered to represent syndicalism and/or non-Marxist socialism), and implementing a system of incentives and rewards that would direct economic activities towards local markets while severely limiting production for international markets (protectionism).[121] Perón's policies included extensive worker rights legislation and redistribution of wealth; Peronism rejected individualism in favor of communitarianism and sought a system that would reject both capitalism and liberalism in favor of an economic system that would be oriented around "social equity, rather than the individual pursuit of wealth." This was combined with Peronist redefinition of citizenship, as Perón attracted and empowered groups that were previously excluded socially and economically - urban poor, immigrant communities and unionised workers.[123] Throughout his lifetime, Peron attacked capitalism or aspects of the system.[124][125][126]

Deriving from 1930s anti-imperialist nationalism, Peronist doctrine had three leading principles, as formulated by Perón: economic independence, political sovereignty, and social justice. Perón considered Argentina "an economic colony of Great Britain" and sought to liberate Argentina from both British and American influence; Perón's foreign policy was formulated as "third position" and was a forerunner of thirdworldism - Perón argued that instead of looking to either Western capitalism or Soviet communism, Argentina should carve out its own path and seek alliances with like-minded nations that would reject imperialism and foreign influence in favour of absolute sovereignty. As a requirement for this sovereignty, Peronism featured extensive redistributive and nationalist policies - Perón established a central bank, nationalized foreign commerce and implement a system of free, universal education. Socially, Peronism was authoritarian, yet it also implemented free suffrage and promoted causes such as feminism, indigenous rights and emancipation of the working class. Peter Ranis wrote that "paradoxically, Perón democratized Argentina in the sense of bringing the working class more fully into the political process, though his administrations often placed cultural and political restrictions on the opposition that severely compromised that democracy."[127]

Writing on Perón and his ideology, Charles D. Ameringer argued that "The rise to power of Juan Perón in 1943 was not the end of the socialist impulse in Argentina; it was the culmination" and added that "much of the social legislation either introduced or implemented by Perón . . . originated with the Socialist Party."[128] Raanan Rein similarly wrote that Peronism as an ideology was nationalist populism, shaped by the Catholic social teaching as well as "socialist currents of varying nuances". Rein attributed the socialist component of Peronism to policies that would give new sociocultural and political dimensions to Argentinian identity and nationalism. According to Rein, "Peronism rehabilitated popular culture and gave folklore a place in Argentine culture, attempted to rewrite national history and included various ethnic minorities who, up until that point, had been relegated to the margins of the nation – as was the case for Arabs and Jews." Peronism is thus credited with creating the image of multicultural Argentina through his policies that would redistribute the wealth while also promoting the concept of Argentina as a society of "multiple collective ethnic identities".[129]

Peron described his ideology as "intrinsically Argentine" and a reflection of the Argentinian people. Perón's preferred wording for his ideology was justicialism, which he used to promote social justice as the core of his ideology. He wrote: "like the people, justicialism is national, social, and Christian." Peronist communitarian philosophy envisioned a society that would be an organized community, where each individual was to fulfill a social function "in the service of all", and also have access to an extensive complex of faculties, each designed for a different special task, that would contribute to 'individual happiness'. Establishing his populist rhetoric, Perón also defined his ideology as "a new philosophy of life, simple, practical, popular, profoundly Christian, and profoundly humanistic", adding that Peronism was to be class-based, as justicialism "centers its ideology and preoccupation on . . . the primacy in our country of a single class, the class of those who work." In his writings, Perón consistently emphasized that the roots of his ideology are based on Catholic doctrine as well as socialism; around the end of his second term, Perón argued: "We believe that there are only two philosophies in the world that can embrace and give direction to the major ideological orientations: one is Christian philosophy, which is already 2,000 years old and has continued to sustain itself through 20 centuries; and the other is Marxist philosophy, which is the philosophy of communism... There is no other."[130]

According to Brennan, as a populist mixture, Peronism synthesized multiple ideologies and schools of thought, which he listed as nationalism, anti-imperialism, socialism, authoritarianism, federalism and militarism.[131] Robert Crassweller offers a different definition, arguing that "Peronism may be defined roughly as an authoritarian populist movement, strongly colored by Catholic social thought, by nationalism, by organic principles of Mediterranean corporatism, and by the caudillo traditions of the Argentine Creole civilization."[132] Other definitions include that of Donald C. Hodges, who saw Peronism as "a Christian and humanist version of socialism" and a "peculiar brand of socialism".[57] Peter Ranis notes that describing Peronism is made difficult by vague language of Perón as well as his constant pragmatic shifts that he took throughout his life - Perón often modified his rhetoric and promoted different movements in order to maintain his big-tent movement that apart from consisting of trade unions, included both left-wing and right-wing supporters. Nevertheless, Ranis wrote that Peronism was a "worker-type populism" that one can roughly describe as "corporate democratic socialism", despite the authoritarian tendencies of Perón himself.[133] Despite opportunistically declaring his opposition to Communism and even socialism, Perón nevertheless described his justicialism as "national socialism" (socialismo nacional) and "Christian national socialism" (socialismo national cristiano); to Ranis, Perón "fused an indigenous socialism with Argentine nationalism through Peronism", and used Marxist rhetoric:

Peron's usage of Marxist terminology, but within a nonsocialist context, is striking. He spoke of the "proletarians," the "exploitation of man by his fellow man," the "dehumanization of capital." At the same time, Peron expressed fears of foreign ideological penetration's and continually reiterated the need to avoid class conflict between capital and labor. His critique of Marxism was centered on what he called humanist and Christian attitudes — which, if applied, would render class struggle irrelevant. Peron's corporatist scheme already was one of class collaboration under the auspices and direction of the state. What Peron offered was not the individual consciousness of the unreconstructed liberal, nor the class consciousness that he identified with foreign and alien alternatives, but a unified, communitarian, social consciousness that would assuage class warfare, avoid the contamination of international socialism, and organize society to transcend the old liberal conceptions of the state.[134]

Alternatively, Peronism was also denounced as fascism by some scholars - Carlos Fayt believed that Peronism was "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism".[37] Such conclusion was also reached by Paul M. Hayes, who argued that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism that was distinctively Latin American".[37] This belief was particularly popular in the United States, as the American government sought to discredit Perón on the basis of his anti-Americanism, suspected communist sympathies, and neutrality during WW2. Similarly, anti-Peronists on the left such as anti-nationalist socialists also described Peronism as fascist.